Browsing by Subject "Politics"

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Open Access
A study of the status of women in religious laws of the SAARC Nations
(University of North Bengal, 2023) Kejriwal, Shruti; Chakraborty, Gangotri
Equality for women has been a dynamic topic for centuries. Gender inequality is rooted in the societal practices, culture and custom of personal laws of all the SAARC nations. All the major religions of the SAARC countries are influenced by the patriarchal set up. The underlying basis of all personal laws, regardless of religion is, ‘Men and Women are not equal’. There exists discrimination in the personal laws relating to marriage, divorce, maintenance, inheritance, adoption and guardianship in the SAARC nations. All major religions have deep influences upon the people that follow them and, in the countries, where they are dominant or where they are proclaimed as state religion. In the recent past, personal laws have witnessed advances with the constantly changing nature of human relations. In such a scenario, it is an impediment to hold onto the age- old beliefs and traditions of the personal laws, which were adhered to during those times but are a hindrance to today’s growth and betterment. Therefore, there is a duty on the legislature of every SAARC nation to reform the conservative personal laws that are biased against the women. The Judiciary has also through its pragmatic judicial pronouncements and judicial creativity developed and reformed the draconian gender unjust personal laws to meet the dynamisms of the society. Therefore, the need of the hour is to legislate progressive laws to mitigate every inequality that exists in the personal laws of the various religions. This mitigation shall gradually lead to the equality of personal laws for men and women in every religion. Every SAARC nation has a multi-cultural and multi-religious population. In this backdrop, to have a universal secular law for all the SAARC nations is presently a distant dream. However, every SAARC nation may obliterate the gender unjust personal laws by framing progressive laws for the women of each religion. Thus, a parity will inevitably be achieved for the women of every SAARC nation. The title of this thesis is A STUDY OF THE STATUS OF WOMEN IN RELIGIOUS LAWS OF THE SAARC NATIONS. The title of Chapter I is ‘Theoretical and Conceptual Framework of Religious Laws’. The chapter states the interpretation of the religious laws to be synonyms to the personal laws. It examines the nature of personal laws such as private laws, public laws, group rights or individual rights. The chapter also discusses the evolution of personal laws and the views of legal philosophers in context to the personal laws. The title of Chapter 2 is ‘Politics of Personal Laws’. The chapter explains the politics of personal laws in the British era. The chapter further elaborates on the democratic politics behind enacting the laws to regulate the personal laws in India during the 1950s and 1980s. The discussion on the recent politics involved in the Triple Talaq Case and the Sabrimala Case also finds place in the chapter. The two prime jurisprudential theories, centrist and pluralist, relating to the topic has also been examined in the chapter. The chapter also discusses the unpleasant politics behind the righteous policies framed in India. The title of Chapter 3 is ‘Personal Laws and the issues of Gender Inequality’. The chapter examines the personal laws prevailing in India and highlights the issues of gender inequality in them. The laws on marriage, nullity of marriage, maintenance, restitution of conjugal rights, divorce, judicial separation, inheritance, guardianship and adoption applicable to the Hindus, Christians, Parsis and Muslims in India have been critically examined on the basis of gender inequality. The title of Chapter 4 is ‘Judicial Opinion whether Personal Law is a ‘Law’ Under Article 13 of the Constitution of India’. The chapter has recorded the evolution of ‘Personal Laws’ in India starting from the neutrality of British towards the Hindu and Muslim law and then the gradual legislations passed by the Britishers. The chapter discusses the debates held in the Constitution Assembly in relation to the personal laws. The chapter analyses the interpretation of various judicial pronouncements on whether the Personal Laws are ‘Laws’ under Article 13 of the Constitution of India. The title of Chapter 5 is ‘Comparative Study of the Personal Laws of the SAARC nations’. The chapter provides with the interface of law and life lived by the women of the SAARC nations while being governed by the personal laws applicable to them. It examines the status of personal laws in the Constitution of every SAARC nation. The chapter critically examines the laws governing the aspects of marriage, maintenance, divorce, inheritance and guardianship of the SAARC nations on the basis of its application to the women. The title of Chapter 6 is ‘International Instruments relating to Gender Equality’. The universally accepted concept and meaning of ‘gender’, ‘sex’ ‘gender equality’ and ‘stereotypes’ has been discussed in the chapter. The chapter extensively elaborates on the gender inequality issues dealt by the various international instruments of the United Nations. The chapter also incorporates the agendas relating to the rights of the women discussed in the various SAARC summit. The Beijing Declaration and the follow-up action across the world, the UNDP Gender Equality Strategy 2018-2021 and the Sustainable Development Goals also finds the place of discussion in the chapter. The title of Chapter 7 is ‘Scope, Ambit and Applicability of Secular laws in the SAARC Nations’. The chapter elaborates on the concept of secularism imbibed in the Constitution of all the SAARC nations. The chapter also provides with the gap in the metanarratives of secularism and the real time experiences of people belonging to the different religions in the same nation. The chapter also examines the shift in the conceptual meaning of secular laws as explained in different countries and the politics behind it. It studies the government and the societal respect for religious freedom in every SAARC nation. To substantiate, the recent occurrences relating to religious affairs have been incorporated in the chapter. In Chapter 8 the researcher has concluded the entire research work by providing a detailed description of each chapter. The chapter also incorporates suggestions and recommendations to ensure gender just personal laws. Therefore, this research work is carried out with an objective to study the status of the women in the SAARC nations and examine the major religions of the SAARC countries namely: Hinduism, Islam, Christianity, Buddhism and Zoroastrianism. The researcher has drawn out the understandings and inferences of the teachings of these religion to bring out the correct and favourable conditions for the women of the SAARC nations.
Open Access
Book Review Dr. Nandini Basistha, Politics of Separatism, New Delhi, Vaibhav Publications, 2017, pp xiv + 296
(University of North Bengal, 2014-03) Tiwari, Trivikram
Open Access
Book review K Natwar Singh, ‘Is One Life Enough for ‘Profession’, but not for ‘Politics’? One Life is Not Enough: An Autobiography, New Delhi: Rupa Publications India Pvt. Ltd, 2014; pp 410 + xiii
(University of North Bengal, 2015) Sirapangi, S Swaroop
Open Access
Book Review, Dr. Nandini Basistha, Politics of Separatism, New Delhi, Vaibhav Publications, 2017, pp xiv + 296
(University of North Bengal, 2017) Tiwari, Trivikram
Open Access
The Concept of “People” in “We the People of India…” Reality and Transformation
(University of North Bengal, 2020-03) Chakraborty, Gangotri
This article shows that the concept of “people” in the Preamble of the Constitution of India is vague and confused and victim of severe politicking. Such “people” cannot be the “sovereign” that gave themselves the Constitution. The concept of “people” in the Constitution has an overlap with the “citizenship” that often used interchangeably and nationalism. In the post-independence era the concept of “people” has become more elusive and there is a need to take stock of the situation resulting from right wing majoritarian politics.
Open Access
Idealising Politics: Cross-questioning the Conventional Account
(University of North Bengal, 2025) Bhowal, Nabanita
In this paper I intend to map out an alternative way of doing politics as the current form of politics and political activities of many countries could not keep up with the expectations of their people. There is also a general perception that moral degeneration is exceptionally high in this arena, and hence, purging political activities is a need of the hour. The moot question is how we can have these tidying-up activities done. To my mind, blending ethics with politics is one way of doing this. I depicted this point, and while doing this, I analysed the power dynamics, using various prominent scholars' views in this area. After that, I wanted to show that an alternative way of politicking was not merely fiction in the imagination. It indeed can be put into practice. Finally, I raised a question that has been troubling my mind for quite a long time. In ethics, there are various lines of thinking. Do these multiple lines involve any manoeuvring, which is questionable in itself?
Open Access
India in 1929-30
(Central publication Branch, 1931) India, Government of India
Open Access
India in 1932-33
(Manager of Publications, 1934) India, Government of India
Open Access
Politics and history
(Macmillan and co., 1923) Morley, John Viscount
Open Access
Politics of gender in performance: study of group theatre reductions during left front rule in West Bengal
(University of North Bengal, 2018) Kanjilal, Amitava; Md. Yasin
Open Access
Politics of tribal development : organizing adivasi movements in Dooars and Terai region of North Bengal since 2007
(University of North Bengal, 2023) Roy, Purnima; De, Soumitra
The term ‘Adivasi’ is derived from the Hindi language and is used to refer to the indigenous peoples of India. The term is broadly used to refer to a range of tribal peoples, such as the Santals, Mundas, Oraons, and other related peoples. The Dooars and Terai region of North Bengal is home to a large number of Adivasi peoples. The Adivasis came in this region through the colonial tea plantation and eventually settled here but gradually they became outnumbered by other immigrants as days went by. They have been marginalized and excluded from traditional power structures due to their poor economic and social status. Historically, the Adivasi communities of this region have faced extreme forms of oppression, exploitation, and discrimination. The growing sickness of tea gardens forced many, particularly the menfolk, to migrate to other states in search of other occupations making this area a point in the chain of trafficking. Lack of education and employment combined with forces of cultural assimilation and political marginalization made them look for remedy, first through NGO formation, and finally as an important sub regional political player. Our study, spread over three tribal blocks, involving both field survey with structured questions and intensive interviews of leaders, has helped understanding the Adivasi Movement represented by ABAVP as having a political context and also the consequences. The ABAVP started as a NGO in Dooars and Terai, but gradually it changed the nature of movement for the tribal people in this area. Instead of just voicing demands it emerged as a political player and negotiated with the political parties. The tribal leaders while leading the movements tried to capture the power and when the leaders achieved their goal the movement lost its militancy. The educated tribal leadership steered the movement through controlling organization. Though the ordinary tribal population participated in the movement they did not have must organizational representation. The resurgence of the Gorkhaland Movement from 2007 end onwards brought the plantations tribals of Dooars and Terai into the thick of state politics but it also made a section of tribal leaders alive to the grim threat that political splits along party line in practice meant that they must be marginalized in terms of the socio-cultural, ethnic, economic and political fronts. In these background, a very interesting shift in the region's politicsstarted taking shape after the formation of ABAVP as an NGO. During current political regime in West Bengal the tribal movement as led by ABAVP is largely institutionalized in the sense that the leaders initially sided with the movement for Gorkhaland but eventually got divided for and against the inclusion of tribal mauzas under Gorkhaland Territorial Administration. Some leaders of ABAVP have got some avenues of power through Tribal Development Board and many of the demands have been fulfilled. The movement is now institutionalized in the sense that they have taken a political turn, some aligning with regional/national parties. The research work highlighted that the economic and education condition of the people in this society are very poor. Most of the Adivasi people in Dooars and Terai live as tea garden workers. The research survey also observed that the maximum number of tribal people are fully dependent on the tea garden and live in tea garden areas of the garden quarters. It is also revealed from the study that education is important determinant for establishing a responsible and conducive healthcare regime in the region. The study shows that the Adivasi people in this region are highly illiterate. It has also been noticed during survey in different blocks that Adivasi people are not informed and updated about the govt. policies and programmes which have been implemented by the govt. ABAVP as an organization has also been subordinate to the national level and state level leadership and common local tribal population do not hold any significant position. They are not getting a chance to contest an election as a candidate; they are used as a crowd by the other leaders. Most of the Adivasis people are guided by the local leaders, and the leaders decide whom to cast their vote to, and sometimes it is done forcefully. The NGO movement in Dooars and Terai reveals a dichotomy, a contrast between groups pursuing identity-based politics and those engaged in constructive development. In this sense, the NGO provides a platform to respond to developmental needs and political assertions of the tribal front in the Dooars and Terai plantation sectors. The new leaders of ABAVP have been trying to emphasize developmental activism in place of advocacy for political activities. Nevertheless,there is a lack of clarity among the tribal people about aspects of conservation of tribal tradition and forces of assimilation, something that may be the price for political institutionalization of a tribal movement in democratic process.
Open Access
Sport and politics under an eastern sky
(William Blackwood and sons, 1902) Earl of Ronaldshay
Open Access
Towards Emancipation: Reflection of Writings of Some Muslim Women in the Twentieth Century
(University of North Bengal, 2015-03) Bhattacharya, Dahlia
Education was denied to the Muslim women in Bengal . They were to receive some elementary education at home and their movement was restricted within the four walls of the house. A few Muslim women who have learnt to write with the help of some of their family members or received modern education had penned down some of their ideas in their writings. This paper wants to highlight the works of Begum Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain, Begum Shainsunnahar Mahmud, Begum Sufia Kamal and Fajiltunessa who 'had taken the courage to overcome the hurdles of the society and had taken a step towards emancipation. ft wants to highlight their concept of education, spaces and rights for women and the politics.